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Why do Bihari politicians so love the railway ministry?

Check the numbers. The government of India employs 3.6 million people; of these 1.6 million are in the railways, the world’s single largest employer. Indian Railways earns Rs 40,000 crore every year, spends Rs 44,000 crore. It is India’s biggest patronage machine masquerading as a business corporation.

Indian Railways is broadly untouched by reform, oblivious to modern accountability practices — and remarkably feudal in its, well, persona. In a sense, these are are the very attributes that define governance in Bihar. The state and the ministry, then, are made for each other. Meet the Ashwini Twins, one economic, the other political.

India’s railway network is a statistical treasure. It covers 63,028 route kilometres, has 6,853 stations in both big cities and one-horse, single-platform towns. It fundamentally touches people’s lives, running 8,520 passenger trains daily, carrying 4.8 billion passengers a year. It’s annual salary and pension bill alone is Rs 18,841 crore.

In poor, opportunity-scarce parts of the country such as Bihar — or even neighbouring Bengal (see accompanying story) — a railway job is an iron ricebowl, the location of a railway facility can change the fortunes of a town. That’s what makes the railway ministry such a prize for eastern India’s politicians.

With the Mandalisation of Indian politics and the de-industrialisation of India’s east, Bihari satraps perfected the formula. Paswan once explained the obsession with becoming ‘‘train mantri’’: ‘‘This is one ministry where one gets to be in direct touch with the people. I am a man of the masses.’’

Grand words; but there is more to it. ‘‘No other ministry,’’ points out Patna-based sociologist Hetukar Jha, ‘‘gives the opportunity to personally oblige as many people. As rail minister one can create a large and permanent base of loyalists.’’

Source: Chhapra Local: Why do Bihari politicians so love the railway ministry?